Reichstag

January 30, 1939


Caution: Adolf Hitler was completely wrong about absolutely everything...usually. When Hitler said something that was actually correct, it was merely to set up the next lie. As with all good propagandists—and he certainly was that—he would begin with a few obvious, documented facts, and then proceed to distort them horribly. At any rate, the infamous German Führer’s worm-tongue rhetoric is NOT to be taken seriously, except as a classic example of the sort of masterful demagoguery from which appropriate lessons may hopefully be learned.

As always, read with an abundant degree of cautious skepticism.

When on the evening of 30 January 1933, six years ago today, beneath the light of their torches the tens of thousands of National Socialist fighters passed through the Brandenberger Tor to express to me the newly nominated Chancellor of the Reich, their feelings of overflowing joy and their confession of loyalty as my followers, countless anxious eyes both here in Berlin and throughout Germany Gazed at the beginning of a development the issue of which it appeared impossible to discern or to foresee. Some 13 million German voters, men and women then stood beside me. An imposing number, but yet only a little more than a third of the sum of the votes cast. It was true that the remaining twenty million were divided and split up between thirty five other parties and groups.

The one thing which united the opponents of National Socialism was their common hatred of the young movement, a hatred born of their guilty consciences and worse intentions, As is still does to-day in other parts of the world, this united the priests of the Centre Party and Communist atheists, the Socialist out to abolish private property and capitalists whose interests were bound up with the stock exchange, Conservatives who wished to destroy the State and Republicans whose aim was to destroy the Reich. During the long battle of National Socialism for the leadership of the country they had all come together in defense of their interests and made common cause with Jewry. The bishop politicians of the various Churches extended their hands in benediction over this union. And against this splitting up of the nation, united only in negation stood that third of German men and women, with their faith, those who had undertaken to raise anew the German people and Reich in the face of world internal and external opposition. The whole picture of the greatness of the collapse of Germany at that time begins gradually to grow dim, but one thing even today is not forgotten. It seemed that only a miracle could save Germany at the twelfth hour. And we National Socialist believed in this miracle. Over the belief in this miracle our foes made merry. The thought that one should wish to redeem the nation from a ruin which now lasted a decade and a half simply through the force of a new idea appeared to those who were not National Socialist as the delusion of visionaries [phantasterei]; to the Jews and other enemies of the State it appeared as the last insignificant spasm of force within the national resistance, and when that was exhausted one might hope to be able finally to annihilate not only Germany but Europe.

A Germany sinking in Bolshevist chaos would at that time have hurled the whole West into a crisis of unimaginable gravity. Only the most limited of islanders could persuade themselves into believing that the Red plague would of its own accord have cried a halt before the sacredness of a democratic idea of at the frontiers of States who had shown no interest in its advance. The rescue of Europe began at one end of the continent with Mussolini and Fascism. National Socialism continued this rescue in another part of Europe, and at the present moment we are witnessing in still a third country the same drama of a brave triumph over the Jewish international attempt to destroy European civilization, The six years which now lie behind us are filed with the most stupendous events in the whole of our German history. On 30 January 1933 I entered the Wilhelmstrasse filled with profound anxiety for the future of my people. Today after six years I am able to speak before the Reichstag of Greater Germany. We are indeed perhaps better able than other generations to realize the full meaning of those pious words "What a change by the grace of God." ....

Amongst the accusations which are directed against Germany in the so called democracies, is the charge that the National Socialist State is a hostile to religion. In answer to that charge I should like to make before the German people the following solemn declaration:

1. No one in Germany has in the past been persecuted because of his religious views [Einstellung], nor will anyone in the future be so persecuted.

2. The National Socialist State since 30 January 1933 from public monies derived from taxation through the organs of the State has placed at the disposal of both Churches the following sums:

In the fiscal year 1933 130 million Reichsmark
In the fiscal year 1934 170 million Reichsmark
In the fiscal year 1935 250 million Reichsmark
In the fiscal year 1936 320 million Reichsmark
In the fiscal year 1937 400 million Reichsmark
In the fiscal year 1938 500 million Reichsmark
In addition to this there has been paid over some 85 million Reichsmark each year from contributions of the separate States, and some 7 million Reichsmark from contributions of the parishes and parish-associations. Apart from this the Churches are the greatest landed proprietors after the State. The value of their property in land and forests represents more than some 10 milliards of Reichsmark, while the annual income from this landed property is to be estimated as over 300 million Reichsmark. To this must be added countless gifts, testamentary dispositions and above all the sums arising from collections in the Churches. Further, the Church in the National Socialist State is in many ways favored in regard to taxation and for gifts, legacies & etc., it enjoys immunity from Taxation.

It is therefore, to put it mildly....effrontery when especially foreign politicians make bold to speak of hostility to religion in the Third Reich. But if it be true that the German Churches regard this position as intolerable, the the National Socialist State is at any time ready to undertake a clear separation between Church and State as is already the case in France, America and other countries, I would allow myself only one question: "What contributions during the same period have France, England or the United States made through the State from the public funds?"

3. The National Socialist State has not closed a church, nor has it prevented the holding of a religious service, nor has it ever excised any influence upon the form of a a religious service. It has not exercised any pressure upon the doctrine nor on the profession of faith of any of the Confessions. In the National Socialist State anyone is free to seek his blessedness after his own fashion.

It is however true that if priests, instead of being servants of God, prefer to regard as their mission the abuse of our present Reich, it's institutions or it's leaders, then the National Socialist State will relentlessly force them to realize that no one will be suffered to destroy this State, and that priests so soon as they set themselves beyond the law will by the law be brought to account precisely in the same way as any other German citizen. But it must be at this point established that there are ten thousands and ten thousands of priests of all Christian Confessions who perform their ecclesiastical duties just as well as of probably better than the political agitators without ever coming into conflict with the laws of the State. To protect these the State regards as its task; the destruction of the enemies of the State it regards as its duty.

4. The National Socialist State is neither prudish nor mendacious. But there are definite moral principles which must be maintained in the interest of the biological health of the nation; violations of these principles we will not permit Pederasty or offenses against children will be punished by law in this State whoever commits these crimes. Five years ago when leaders of the National Socialist Party were guilty of these crimes, they were shot. If other persons, whether in private or public life, or even if priests commit the same offenses, they will be punished according to law either with imprisonment of penal servitude. Other offenses of priests against their vows of celibacy, etc., do not concern us;there has never been a word on this subject in our Press.

Apart from this, this State has only once intervened in the internal regulation of the Churches, that is when I myself in 1933 endeavored to unite the weak and divided Protestant Churches of the different States into one great and powerful Evangelical Church through violence against its own representatives. If these foreign countries and in particular certain democratic statesmen champion with such energy the cause of individual German priests, that action can have only a political ground, for these same statesmen were completely silent when in Russia hundreds of thousands of priests were massacred or burnt; they are completely silent when in Spain tens of thousands of priests and nuns are slaughtered in a bestial way or are even, while still living thrown into the flames.

They could not--they cannot--deny these facts! but they are silent; they say not a word, while many National Socialist and Fascist volunteers offered themselves to General Franco in order to help him stay the further spread of this Bolshevist blood intoxication over Europe, that is, over the greater part of civilized humanity. Of this fact the democratic statesmen should take notice. For it was anxiety for European culture and for true civilization which caused Germany to take sides in this fight of Nationalist Spain against Bolshevist destroyers. It is a sorry sign of the mentality in several countries that their people are utterly unable to comprehend an action springing from such unselfish motives. But Germany has taken part in the revolt of General Franco only from the warm desire that he might succeed in freeing his country from danger to which Germany itself formerly all but fell a victim.

It cannot therefore be sympathy with or pity for persecuted servants of God which has mobilized the interest of democratic citizens in certain priests who in Germany have come into conflict with the law: no, it is interest in the enemy of the German State. But on one point it is well that there should be no uncertainty: the German priests as servants of God we shall protect, the priest as political enemy we shall destroy. We believe that in the way we shall best avoid a development which, as the course of events in Spain has shown, might otherwise only too easily leas to a defensive action on an incalculable scale. Further, I would wish to explain one pint of principle: it appears that in certain circles abroad it is thought that a specially vigorous expression of sympathy with those elements which in Germany have come into conflict with the law might have as a consequence an alleviation of their position. Perhaps is is hoped through certain methods of publicity to be able to exercise a terrorist influence on the German Government. This is based upon a profound mistake. In the support given from abroad to actions directed against the State we see the conclusive confirmation of their treasonable character. For the mere opposition to a regime has never extorted from the democratic countries any sympathy; nor indeed has such sympathy been aroused by the persecution or punishment of a political offender. For when was there in Germany a stronger opposition than that formed by the National Socialist? Yet never was an opposition oppressed, persecuted, and harried with baser means than was that of the National Socialist Party. But to our honor we can assert that never on that account have we enjoyed the pity or the support of such a foreign power. This support therefore seems to be intended only for those who are planning to destroy the German Reich. In consequence of this, in every single case we shall in this sympathy see only the compelling reason for an intensification of our measures.

The German nation has no feeling of hatred towards England, America or France; all it wants is peace and quiet. But the other nations are continually being stirred up to hatred for Germany and the German people by Jewish and non-Jewish agitators. And so, should warmongers achieve what they are aiming at our own people would be landed in a situation for which they would be psychologically quite unprepared and which they would thus fail to grasp. I therefore consider in necessary that from now on our propaganda and our Press should always make a point of answering these attacks, and above all bring them to the notice of the German people. The German nation must know who the men are who want to bring about war by hook or crook. It is my conviction that these people are mistaken in their calculations, for when once National Socialist propaganda is devoted to the answering of the attacks, we shall succeed just as we succeeded inside Germany herself in overcoming, through the convincing power of our propaganda, the Jewish world-enemy. The nations will in a short time realize that National Socialist Germany wants no enmity with other nations; that all the assertions as to our intended attacks on other nations are lies, lies born of morbid hysteria, or of a mania for self-preservation on the part of certain politicians; but that in certain States these lies are being used by unscrupulous profiteers to salvage their own finances. That, above all, international Jewry may hope in this way to satisfy its thirst for revenge and gain, but that on the other hand this is the grossest defamation which can be brought to bear on a great and peace loving nation. Never, for instance, have German soldiers fought on American soil, unless ir was in the cause of American Independence and freedom; but American soldiers were brought to Europe to help strangle a great nation which was fighting for its freedom. Germany did not attack America, but America attacked Germany and as the Committee of Investigation of the American House of Representatives concluded: from purely capitalist motives, without any other cause. There is but one thing that everyone should realize: these attempts cannot influence Germany in the slightest as to the way in which she settles her Jewish problem. On the contrary, in connection with the Jewish question I have this to say: it is a shameful spectacle to see how the whole democratic world is oozing sympathy for the poor tormented Jewish people, but remains hard-hearted and obdurate when it comes to helping them – which is surely, in view of its attitude, an obvious duty. The arguments that are brought up as an excuse for not helping them actually speak for us Germans and Italians.

For this is what they say:

1. "We," that is the democracies, "are not in a position to take in the Jews." Yet in these empires there are not 10 people to the square kilometer. While Germany, with her 135 inhabitants to the square kilometer, is supposed to have room for them!

2. They assure us: We cannot take them unless Germany is prepared to allow them a certain amount of capital to bring with them as immigrants.

For hundreds of years Germany was good enough to receive these elements, although they possessed nothing except infectious political and physical diseases. What they possess today, they have by a very large extent gained at the cost of the less astute German nation by the most reprehensible manipulations.

Today we are merely paying this people what it deserves. When the German nation was, thanks to the inflation instigated and carried through by Jews, deprived of the entire savings which it had accumulated in years of honest work, when the rest of the world took away the German nation’s foreign investments, when we were divested of the whole of our colonial possessions, these philanthropic considerations evidently carried little noticeable weight with democratic statesmen.

Today I can only assure these gentlemen that, thanks to the brutal education with which the democracies favored us for fifteen years, we are completely hardened to all attacks of sentiment. After more than eight hundred thousand children of the nation had died of hunger and undernourishment at the close of the War, we witnessed almost one million head of milking cows being driven away from us in accordance with the cruel paragraphs of a dictate which the humane democratic apostles of the world forced upon us as a peace treaty. We witnessed over one million German prisoners of war being retained in confinement for no reason at all for a whole year after the War was ended. We witnessed over one and a half million Germans being torn away from all that they possessed in the territories lying on our frontiers, and being whipped out with practically only what they wore on their backs. We had to endure having millions of our fellow countrymen torn from us without their consent, and without their being afforded the slightest possibility of existence. I could supplement these examples with dozens of the most cruel kind. For this reason we ask to be spared all sentimental talk. The German nation does not wish its interests to be determined and controlled by any foreign nation. France to the French, England o the English, America to the Americans, and Germany to the Germans. We are resolved to prevent the settlement in our country of a strange people which was capable of snatching for itself all the leading positions in the land, and to oust it.

For it is our will to educate our own nation for these leading positions. We have hundreds of thousands of very intelligent children of peasants and of the working classes. We shall have them educated – in fact we have already begun – and we wish that one day they, and not the representatives of an alien race, may hold the leading positions in the State together with our educated classes. Above all, German culture, as its name alone shows, is German and not Jewish, and therefore its management and care will be entrusted to members of our own nation. If the rest of the world cries out with a hypocritical mien against this barbaric expulsion from Germany of such an irreplaceable and culturally eminently valuable element, we can only be astonished at the conclusions they draw from this situation. For how thankful they must be that we are releasing these precious apostles of culture, and placing them at the disposal of the rest of the world. In accordance with their own declarations they cannot find a single reason to excuse themselves for refusing to receive this most valuable race in their own countries. Nor can I see a reason why the members of this race should be imposed upon the German nation, while in the States, which are so enthusiastic about these "splendid people," their settlement should suddenly be refused with every imaginable excuse. I think that the sooner this problem is solved the better; for Europe cannot settle down until the Jewish question is cleared up. It may very well be possible that sooner or later an agreement on this problem may be reached in Europe, even between those nations which otherwise do not so easily come together.

The world has sufficient space for settlements, but we must once and for all get rid of the opinion that the Jewish race was only created by God for the purpose of being in a certain percentage a parasite living on the body and the productive work of other nations. The Jewish race will have to adapt itself to sound constructive activity as other nations do, or sooner or later it will succumb to a crisis of an inconceivable magnitude.

One thing I should like to say on this day which may be memorable for others as well as for us Germans: In the course of my life I have very often been a prophet, and have usually been ridiculed for it. During the time of my struggle for power it was in the first instance the Jewish race which only received my prophecies with laughter when I said that I would one day take over the leadership of the State, and with it that of the whole nation, and that I would then among many other things settle the Jewish problem. Their laughter was uproarious, but I think that for some time now they have been laughing on the other side of their face. Today I will once more be a prophet: If the international Jewish financiers in and outside Europe should succeed in plunging the nations once more into a world war, then the result will not be the Bolshevization of the earth, and thus the victory of Jewry, but the annihilation of the Jewish race in Europe!

For the time when the non-Jewish nations had no propaganda is at an end. National Socialist Germany and Fascist Italy have institutions which enable them when necessary to enlighten the world about the nature of a question of which many nations are instinctively conscious, but which then have not yet clearly thought out. At the moment the Jews in certain countries may be fomenting hatred under the protection of the press, of the film, of wireless propaganda, of the theatre, of literature, etc., all of which they control. If this nation should once more succeed in inciting the millions which compose the nations into a conflict which is utterly senseless and only serves Jewish interests, then there will be reveled the effectiveness of an enlightenment which has completely routed the Jews of Germany in the space of a few years. The nations are no longer willing to die on the battlefield so that this unstable international race may profiteer from a war or satisfy its Old Testament vengeance. The Jewish watchword "Workers of the world unite" will be conquered by a higher realization, namely "Workers of all classes and of all nations, recognize your common enemy!"

Fuehrer Adolf Hitler <—Yeesh! What a bore! And liar as well.

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A Joke: Hitler and Goering were arguing about the Jews, with Goering stating that they were quite clever people and Hitler vehemently denying they were any such thing. Finally Goering told Hitler that they should go shopping in Berlin and Goering would show Hitler it was true. Hitler agreed, so they disguised themselves and went out on the street.

Goering took Hitler into a shop, went up to the counter, and asked the clerk: "Do you have any left-handed teacups?" The clerk stared at Goering for a moment and then said no, mein herr, I do not.

The two left with Hitler complaining that he did not understand what the point of this was and Goering telling him to be patient. They went to another shop and Goering gave the same act: "Do you have any left-handed teacups?" The clerk stared and shrugged his shoulders.

They left with Hitler becoming incensed over this nonsense and Goering begging for patience. Finally they went into a Jewish shop; Goering again asked the clerk: "Do you have any left-handed teacups?"

The clerk smiled graciously, went into the back room and made a show of rummaging around, brought out a saucer and teacup, set down the saucer, and carefully placed the cup with the handle pointed so Goering could pick it with his left hand. "There you are, mein herr!" the clerk said.

Goering bought the teacup, thanked the clerk, and the two men left. Goering turned to Hitler and said: "See, I told you the Jews were very clever people."

"I don't see what was so clever about that," Hitler snapped. "He just happened to have one in stock!"